by Geoffrey Rees
In the week since neurosurgeon and best-selling author Ben Carson
spoke on February 7th at the annual National Prayer Breakfast, his
remarks have been hailed enthusiastically by critics of President Obama. “ConservativeDr. Ben Carson speech upstages Obama at prayer breakfast,” proclaimed the Washington
Times the next morning. A few days later Fox news exclaimed: “WATCH: AmazingConservative Speech Upstages Obama at Prayer Breakfast.” And “Dr. Carson for
President!” appeared in venues as diverse as the Wall Street Journal and the comments
section on the YouTube video of his performance. (A full transcript also is available.)
In part the relish on the right for Carson’s speech seems to reflect
a sense that he out-orated the nation’s orator-in-chief. In larger part it seems
to reflect a sense that he delivered a definitive smack down of Obama’s liberal
agenda. It was the gumption, so to speak, that is causing so much delight, even
as the speech did also spark some debate about its fit with the occasion, about
whether a moment of National Prayer was a fit moment for such a spirited display
(pun acknowledged) of political partisanship.
My curiosity piqued by the hubbub, I WATCHed Carson’s speech
expecting to hear something amazing, expecting to hear a coherent challenge to
the President’s record and agenda, expecting to hear some reasoned engagement
on the issues of health care, taxation, federal spending, education, economic
growth, deficit reduction, and the list goes on. After watching the video, I
was in fact amazed. Amazed that such a tissue of homespun sounding stories told
to make a point, with the points missing, elicited such high praise. “Enough
said,” Dr. Carson kept saying. Amazed by the dissonance between the four
Biblical texts offered at the start as context, and the remarks that followed.
Amazed to hear an audience applauding so much falsehood and caricature.
Contra Dr. Carson, the current tax code is not so complicated that it
is impossible for anyone ever to comply fully with its requirements, so that
every taxpayer is vulnerable at any moment to prosecution by vindictive IRS
agents, as if the mission of the IRS is to terrorize the population with its bureaucratic
powers to “get” anyone it chooses. Contra Dr. Carson, the rationale for a
progressive tax code is not to increase rates on the wealthiest citizens as
high as necessary in order to hurt them at least as much as everyone else. And
contra Dr. Carson, the end of a law school education is not to learn to win at all
costs, by learning how to craft a winning argument at the expense of any regard
for the truths that facts speak.
The amazement of Carson’s speech, instead, is its power I think to
speak directly to its conservative audience while speaking around everyone
else. As dramatic demonstration of this
power, and of its ironies, consider Carson’s comments on the dangers, as he
styles them, of “political correctness:”
Although framed as a kind of defense of free speech, Carson instead
exemplifies a kind of coded speech that excludes as much as it engages. To say
that the “PC police are out in force at all times” is to say up front that one
must choose one’s words carefully, because one never knows who might be
listening. It is to style, up front, conservative political discourse as a
paranoid political discourse. Which makes sense, since the only persons whoever
bandy about the term political correctness are persons on the right projecting in advance
some kind of imaginary opposition, some kind of imaginary censorship. They are
persons on the right who assume that their political opponents are already always speaking
against them before they have even spoken themselves, who are always anxiously anticipating that they might be challenged as persons in the wrong. No wonder it becomes imperative to
choose one’s words carefully! (On paranoid reading, see Eve Kososky Sedgwick's introductory essay in Novel Gazing.)
It doesn’t help that Carson immediately paints a picture of a
solitary Jewish person who has the power – the power that is to take offense –
wielding that power to prevent Christians from wishing each other, wishing
anyone they please, a Merry Christmas. Who has the power, more critically, to
remind anyone who asserts otherwise, that the words Merry Christmas are more
than a salutation and a greeting of good will. A point that Carson himself proceeds to
underscore.
The trouble with political correctness, he urges, is that it “keeps
people from discussing issues, while the fabric of this society is being
changed.” The paranoia of conservative discourse redoubles: “We cannot fall for that trick.” Political
correctness is a ploy to achieve change without allowing debate about the
change underway. Excluded from the discussion, in this style of presentation,
is any acknowledgement of winning and losing, any acknowledgment that this
society is being changed, because the regulative understandings of freedom and
liberty and equality are changing. Not because anyone has been tricked into
changes they wouldn’t have accepted if they had been presented with clearer
choices. But because the choices have been presented pretty clearly, and people
have chosen accordingly, continue to choose accordingly. What appears at first
glance as an appeal for greater respect and openness of political debate, is
instead I think better appreciated as a kind of lament of a lack of ability to
control that debate according to one’s own terms, to keep that debate in check.
So it is particularly telling that Carson concludes this passage
with an elliptical assertion that what is at stake, finally, is a loss of all
“the things that were important in the development of our nation.” Which is a fairly
standard way of asserting that the Christian heritage of the nation is under
threat. Political correctness, it turns out, is not so dangerous because it
stifles free speech in a general sense. Instead it is so dangerous, because it
stifles the specific speech necessary to defend the Christianity of the nation.
There is much more to unpack in Carson’s speech, most notably the
distrust of policy that is emblematic of conservative political rhetoric, and
that is displayed in full force in his comments about taxation and health care.
The guiding analogy – false – is from individual to corporate experience.
Balancing the federal budget is balancing the family check book writ large.
Proportional treatment is strictly literal:
everyone pays ten percent. Any adjustment of the numbers to achieve a
more nuanced proportionality is playing with the numbers. Health care reform is
all about individuals learning the value of dollars and sense and as a result
learning to become responsible. The complexity of current policy challenges
gets a nod in passing, but in this view the complexity is always suspect. If
the policy doesn’t conform to common sense (whatever that means) it must be some
kind of trickery. (Although Carson owns no political affiliation, he reportedly
declared afterward on Fox News that “If there were a party called the Logic
Party, I would be a member of that.”)
Previous posts by Geoffrey Rees:
Not All Indignation is Righteous -- March 4, 2012
Not All Indignation is Righteous -- March 4, 2012
Treating Conscientious Objections with Respect - December 1, 2011
A Work in Progress - July 20, 2011
Could I Get Some Regret With That Please? - May 8, 2011
The Gray Lady Grows a Beard - February 18, 2011
A Work in Progress - July 20, 2011
Could I Get Some Regret With That Please? - May 8, 2011
The Gray Lady Grows a Beard - February 18, 2011
